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Please see below, the first three essays written by Zimbabweans in aide of seeking to reflect on the nature and meaning of 32nd commemorations of our national independence in Zimbabwe. The three essays cover three topics, national historical consciousness, reflections of young Zimbabweans on the meaning of independence and tracing the fading democratic value of leadership in Zimbabwe.
The essays vary in length and are essentially individual reflections of Zimbabweans.
Zimbabwe's Cultural Heritage Zimbabwe's Cultural Heritage is a collection of pieces on the culture of the Ndebele, Shona, Tonga, Kalanga, Nambiya, Xhosa and Venda. The book gives the reader an insight into the world view of different peoples, through descriptions of their history and life events such as pregnancy, marriage and death. CULTURE, COMMUNICATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA A Paper Prepared for the African Itinerant College for Culture and Development African Institute for . Aug 05, · Winston-Salem, N.C. — MY mind was absorbed by the biochemistry of gene editing when the text messages and Facebook posts distracted .
The electronic publication of these essays has been facilitated by the Zimbabwe Committee of the Peoples Charter http: There are at least two more essays expected to be published before 18 Aprilin the anticipation that they will allow for increased public debate on the meaning of our national independence.
Our National Historical Consciousness and our Future. Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean society, like all other countries that exist in the world, cannot claim a clear and unambiguous disjuncture with its history.
The creation of the modern day polity that has come to define the territory between the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers has been a process laden with various but continuous historical interactions.
These overlaps of history have included conquest, colonialism, commerce, Christianity, African nationalism, revolutionary war, the Cold War and the broad pursuit of democracy.
All of these occurred without clear distinction and have been invariably interwoven. With the benefit of hindsight and on the basis of various historical analysis, it has come to be known that these three paramount values were not going to be completely acquired and therefore had to be negotiated.
It is the nature and extent of the compromise that informed the politics of a ten year post independence period which assists in analyzing the birth pangs of the Zimbabwean state. All of these reasons however point to the direct or complicit participation of our nationalist leaders in the decision making processes of that time.
Some more than others, but all with a specific complicity that may have been historically necessarybut cannot be whitewashed. In other words, the leadership of the liberation movements, the post independence successive governments and our contemporary inclusive government are to a greater extent the ones who have been responsible for the state of affairs in the country sincethe role of external factors not withstanding.
This essentially entails a grasping of the historical and contemporary realities that Zimbabwe faced and continues to face within the context of an increasingly unfocused national political leadership that is acting both in the interests of narrow political persuasions and ideologies that are exploitatively linked to an emergent east-west collaborative global capitalism.
Our solutions to our particular socio-political and economic challenges therefore reside in our ability to conscientiously apply ourselves to particular, historical and well thought out as well negotiated frameworks of engaging the challenges that we face in the present and their full import for the future.
Definitive premise of our national independence. Historically, the struggle for justice by the people of Zimbabwe has been fundamentally social democratic in intent and purpose. The primary issue to therefore be considered in the commemorations of our 32 years of national independence is whether our struggle for freedom remains an ongoing one.
This, not merely on the basis of generally enunciated democratic values but as a combination of the lack of completion of the definitive and historical struggle against the usurpation of our right to self determination, social and economic justice, equality before the law, democracy, a justiciable bill of rights, global human equality and the right to choose a national political leadership of our choice.
It is also a reaffirmation of the truth that Zimbabwe must continue to make its own history conscientiously on the basis of what we hold to be our inalienable democratic principles and values.
These same said principles and values should be based on the firm understanding that we have not yet done enough justice to our historically grounded societal, political and economic aspirations.
The return to the revolutionary path is a return to commonly held and shared principles that relate to the social democratic project that was the liberation struggle whatever angle you look at it together with a specific recognition that we should return to a conscientious and organic making of our own history as a country, members of a continent and participants in the global political economy.
These being ; ; and to In all of these aforementioned historical phases assessment will be made of the primary challenges that our country has been faced with. Our time-transcendent common historical thread of struggle. They sought a partial departure from the historical context that defined their arrival to power in order to avoid what they considered the mistakes of other African leaders to fail to embrace either scientific socialism or western model modernization.
This essentially meant that the principles and values of the founding struggles of our nation-state were re-negotiated ahistorically because of three reasons. The first being that in the process of undertaking the struggle for national liberation, we had not quite learnt what to expect and how to handle it in the aftermath of the acquisition of the political power that came with self determination.
Given the serious difficulty of waging a guerilla war, our then and in some instances contemporary nationalist leaders may not have had the luxury of understanding the clearer organic nature of the processes of the anti-colonial struggles.
This is to say, the linkages between the oral and cultural history of anti-colonial struggles with eventual victory were limited. This is an argument that can only be made with the benefit of historical hindsight and not on the basis of seeking to judge our leaders of that time as their circumstances where peculiar to that time and had much more difficult challenges.
By the time of the Second Chimurenga, our national leaders had come to accept the necessity of learning the ways of the colonialist in order to achieve national sovereignty.Aug 05, · Winston-Salem, N.C.
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Childhood's end essay not for many. 1 CULTURE AND EDUCATION IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICA By ISAAC N MAZONDE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Today, Africa remains the world’s poorest continent.
Perhaps the most popular dance in Zimbabwe is called the Mbira dance, and is done alongside aninstrument called the Mbira. They use this type of dance to connect and communicate with the spirit world, and it must be quite successful because its been done for thousands of years and still exists!
Dance in Zimbabwe Essay Cameron Fruehe 8/27/13 Dance 2 Absent Essay Zimbabwean Dance This summer, I got the insane opportunity to travel all the way over to Africa and I explored the country of Zimbabwe with my family and safari guide Craig.